The Education System In The Nineteenth Century

The Education System In The Nineteenth Century For one, the complicated nature of Britain particularly in England schooling and current educational controversies have their roots in schooling development. State involvements in education come late and first attempt to establish unified system of state funded elementary schools was made only in 1870 for England and Wales (1872 for Scotland and 1923 for Northern Ireland) yet it was not until 1944 that the state provided a comprehensive and national apparatus for both primary and secondary state schools, which were free and compulsory. However some church schools long existed. After England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales were gradually converted to Christianity by the fifth and sixth centuries, the churchs position in society enabled it to create the first schools. These initially prepared boys for the priesthood, but the church then developed a wider educational role and its structures influenced the late state system. For example, some schools were periodically established by rich in dividuals or monarchs. These were independent privately financed institutions and were variously known as high, grammar and public schools. They were late associated with both the modern independent and state educational sector. But such schools were largely confined to the sons of rich, aristocratic and influential. Most people received no formal schooling and remained illiterate and innumerate for life. As this shows, in later centuries, more children benefited as the church schools were provided by wealthy industrialist and philanthropists for working-class boys and girls; and some other poor children attended a variety of schools organized by voluntary societies, women (dames); workhouses and the ragged school union, but the minority of children attending such institution in reading, writing and arithmetic. The majority of children received no adequate education. By the nineteenth century, in Britain (expect Scotland) had haphazard school structure. Protestant churches had lost their monopoly of education and competed with the Roman Catholic Church and other faiths. Church schools guarded their independence from state and secular interference and provided much of available schooling. The ancient high, grammar and public schools provided continued to train the son of the middle and upper classes for professional and leadership role in society, but, at a time when industrial revolut ion were proceeding rapidly and the population was growing strongly, the state did not provide a school system which could educate the workforce. Most working class still received no formal or sufficient education. However, local and central government did begin to show some regard for education in early nineteenth century. Grants were made to local authorities for school use in their areas and in 1833 parliament funded the construction of school building. But it was only in 1870 that the state became more actively involved. An education Act (The Foster Act) created local school boards in England and Wales which financed and built elementary schools in their areas. Such state schools supplied non-denominational training and existing religious voluntary (or Church) school served denominational needs. By 1870 the state system was providing free and compulsory elementary schooling in most parts of Britain for children between the ages of five and ten (Twelve in 1899). The Balfour Act (1902) abolished the school boards, made local government responsible for state education, established some new secondary and technical schools and funded voluntary schools. But, although states school provided educat ion for children up to the age of fourteen by 1918, this was still limited to basic skills. In addition to this, adequate secondary school education remained largely the province of independent sector and few state schools. But generally people had to pay for these services. After a period when old public (private) schools had declined in quality, they revived in nineteenth century. Their weakness, such as the narrow curriculum and indiscipline, had been reformed by the progressive head-masters like Thomas Arnold of Rugby, and their reputations increased. The private grammar and high school, which imitated the classic-based education of the public schools, also expanded. These schools drew their pupils from son of the middle and upper classes and use the training ground for established elite and the professions state secondary school education in early twentieth century was marginally extended to children who parents could not afford school fees- scholarships (financed grants) for clever poor children become available; some state funding was provided and more schools were c reated. But this state help did not appreciably expand secondary education, and by 1920 only 9.2 per cent of 14 years-old children in England and Wales were able to enter secondary schools on a non fee-paying basis, the school system in early twentieth century was still inadequate for the demands of society; working-and lower middle class children lacked extensive education; and hard-pressed government avoided any further large- scale involvement until 1944. In 1944, an education Act (The Butler Act) reorganized state primary and secondary schools in England and Wales (1947 in Scotland and Northern Ireland) and greatly influenced future generations of school children. State schooling became free and compulsory up to the age of fifteen and was dived into three stages; primary (5-11 years), secondary schools (11-150 and further post- school training. A decentralized system resulted, in which Ministry of education drew up policy guidelines and local education authorities (LEAs) decided which forms of schooling would be used in their areas. It is been proven that, at the beginning of nineteenth century, European states showed little interest in primary education only in Germany states was a state-run system for it. In 1883, the French government created a system of a system of state-run secular schools by instructing local government to establish an elementary school for both boys and girls. None of these primary schools required attendance, however, which tended to be irregular at best. In rural society children were still expected to work in fields. In industrializing countries like Britain and France, both employers and parents were eager to maintain the practice of child labor. In the decades after 1870, the functions of the state were extended to include the development of mass education in state-run systems. Most western government began to offer at least primary educator to both boys and girls between ages of six and twelve, in most countries it was not optimal. Austria had established free, compulsory elementary education in 1869, In France an 1882 law made primary education compulsory for all children between sic=x and thirteen. Elementary education was made compulsory in Britain in 1880, but it was not until 1902 that an act of Parliament brought all elementary schools under county and town control, states also assumed responsibility for all quality of teachers by establishing teacher-training schools. By 1900, many European states, especially in Northern and Western Europe, were providing state-financed primary schools, salaried and trained teachers, and free, compulsory elementary education for the masses. Traditionally, the private sector has played a significant role in education, only since late 19th century state has guaranteed education as a compulsory service for all citizens i.e. primary education became compulsory for children aged 5 and 10 in 1870. The top age for leaving school was raised in 1944. Education beyond 11 was considered secondary. Universal elementary education required a degree of compulsion, especially as young people were able to begin their working careers much earlier than they can today, at least in the developed world. To commence work at the age of 12 was uncommon. For many poor families educating a child meant the loss of a potential earner in the household, laws that made school attendance compulsory ere passed in the Massachusetts in 1864 and 1890 ( with exception of southern states, which delayed compulsion until the early twentieth century). In Europe, compulsion was applied in 1868 in Prussia, in England and Wales in the 1870s (Scotland and Northern Ireland), and France and other countries in the 1880s. Secondary schools had been state institutions in France as in Prussia from the early nineteenth century although they were fee-paying. In England they remained private institutions until much later, opportunities for free secondary education for some talented children from state primary schools were provided from the late nineteenth century, but universal secondary education did not become general in most European countries until after 1945. It is salutary to contemplate that this was only so recent. The exponential increase in technology since 1945 could not have accrued without a comprehensive system of universal education. In the much more egalitarian social conditions of the late twentieth century, knowledge and expertise could not be confined to a select few. As this shows, In great Britain, early nineteenth- century reforms were stimulated by the philosophic Radicals led by Jeremy Bentham, who advocated dealing with public problems in a rational and scientism way, a reform movement utilizing parliamentary, legal and educational means economic and social philosophers in Britain, including Adam smith and Jeremy Bentham argued for liberalism, rationalism, free trade, political rights and social reform all contributing to the greatest good for the greatest number labour law reforms ( the mines and the factory acts) banning mines children and women from underground work in the mines and regulating reduction in workday to 10 hours were adopted by the British Parliament in the 1830s to 1840. The spread of railroads and steamship the penny post (1840), and telegraphs (1846).Combined with growing literacy and compulsory primary education introduced in Britain in 1876,. This dramatically altered local and world communication. During the 18 and 19 centuries European countries also began as American who started to develop examination for selection into professional civil service. The purposes of the examinations were to raise the competency level of public functionaries, lower the patronage and nepotism. Prussia began using examinations for filling all government administrative posts staring as early as 1748, and the competition for university entrance as a means to prepare for these examinations for all civil service appointment in 872. Public examination system in Europe therefore, developed primarily for selection, and when mass secondary schooling expanded following World War 2, entrance examinations become the principal selection tool setting students on their educational trajectories. In general, testing in Europe controlled the flow of young people into the varying kinds of schools that followed compulsory primary schooling. Student who did well moved on to the academic track, where study of classical subject led to uni versity education others were channelled into vocational or trade schools. In addition to this, in last decades the duration of compulsory schooling has become longer. The trend has in most EC countries curriculum is prescribed by a central authority (usually the ministry of education). In Germany, curricula are determined by each of its states. In France the curriculum is quite uniform nationwide, and in Denmark individual schools enjoy considerable discretion in the definition of curricula. The trend in several countries has been to allow schools a greater say in the definition of curricula during the compulsory period of schooling; school-based management and local control are not uniquely American concept However, the level of prescription varies from system to system. In the Britains systems seems to be moving in other direction. In the past, curricula in Britain were determined by local education authorities and even individual schools, independent regional examination boards exerted a strong influence on the curricula of secondary schools. The centra l government significantly tightened to gap around the regional boards beginning in the middle 1880s and since the education reform Act 1988 the UK has moved toward adoption of national curriculum. It is obviously from this that, since 19 century education (Primary school) has been important political and social too to educate a useful and skilled workforce, to maintain social rest, to create social equality and or secure economic success and innovation. The British government spent most its budget to build new schools after the implementation of Education Acts. The governments aim was to address the state as well as politician and employers rather than children; this was due to poverty and how much the country was destroyed by the war and industrialization. But why education and why education iss young children is mainly concern of the state rather than individual whose learning and life chances. It is about education specially Primary school that could be viewed as parents responsibility to make sure children receive a basic knowledge form early schooling age and for it is also government duties to ensure the schools are all under perfect condition and teachers are paid fairl y therefore the country will be able to stay in competition with other most powerful nations in the world. Education can be viewed as an individual choice and investment for the future career opportunities and was indeed the case until around 1870 when Education Act of that year introduced state primary school (age 5-11) until then, education had been a matter of mainly for the upper class in public schools and middle classes in grammar schools. For the working class only some voluntary of church or church schools had attended to the teaching of reading, writing and rithmetic Universal post 11 educations was not introduced until momentous 1944 education Act, probably the most crucial element of the new welfare state to come out of the Second World War Significantly, the provision of free school meals, milk, dental and medical care was also part of the system reform to encourage children attending schools and most significantly this reform was designed to very much help the poor families who did not have anything to feed their children and would rather sent their children to work. Conclusion During 19 century children of Britain faced a period of industrialization which as result the parents to send their children to work instead of going to schools, it was very depressing period for the country as whole. Education for children was not an option for poor families who were living in terrible condition; schools were only designed for rich. The establishment of education act injected the believe and hope of Britain children with a promise of bright future, by providing equal education to all children boys and girls. This development guaranteed Britain as a nation to improve the skills of children who are the future of the country and also maintaining and competitiveness with other top countries in the world. I personally think it is very clear that the development of education produces important foundation on many levels. Individual benefits by increasing knowledge and future earning and high living standard regardless of your background status. Business will gain more prof it the country will get out the poverty by being able to improve productivity and society will growth stronger by having a much secured level of civil contribution. Words account: 2560 Testing in American Schools: Asking the Right Questions. Washington, DC: Congress of the U.S., Office of Technology Assessment, 1992. Print.

How Accurate Is Eyewitness Testimony Essay

The bedrock of the American judicial process is the honesty of witnesses in trial. Eyewitness testimony can make a deep impression on a jury, which is often exclusively assigned the role of sorting out credibility issues and making judgments about the truth of witness statements. In the U. S. , there is the possibility of over 5,000 wrongful convictions each year because of mistaken eyewitness identifications. The continuous flow of media stories that tell of innocent people being incarcerated should serve as a signal to us that the human identification process is rife with a large number of error risks. These risks have been largely supported by research. Unfortunately, a jury rarely hears of the risks; therefore, eyewitness testimony remains a much-used and much-trusted process by those who are uninformed — many times, lawfully uninformed. In cases in which eyewitness testimony is used, more often than not, an expert will not be allowed to testify to the faults of eyewitness identification. Thus, the uninformed stay blissfully ignorant of the inherent risks involved in eyewitness identification testimony. Too often, these blissfully ignorant people make up a jury of our peers. (McAtlin, 1999). According to McAtlin, there are three parts of an eyewitness testimony: (1) Witnessing a crime – as a victim or a bystander – involves watching the event while it is happening. (2) The witness must memorize the details of the occurrence. (3) The witness must be able to accurately recall and communicate what he or she saw. Studies of wrongful conviction cases have concluded that erroneous eyewitness identifications are by far the leading cause of convicting the innocent. Several studies have been conducted on human memory and on subjects’ propensity to remember erroneously events and details that did not occur. When human beings try to acquire, retain and retrieve information with any clarity, suppositional influences and common human failures profoundly limit them. The law can regulate some of these human limitations — others are unavoidable. The â€Å"unavoidable† ones can make eyewitness testimony devastating in the courtroom and can lead to wrongful convictions. Unfortunately, memories are not indelibly stamped onto a â€Å"brain video cassette tape. An event stored in the human memory undergoes constant change. Some details may be altered when new or different information about the event is added to the existing memory. Some details are simply forgotten and normal memory loss occurs continually. Even so, witnesses often become more confident in the correctness of their memories over time. The original memory has faded and has been replaced with new information. This new information has replaced the original memory because the natural process of memory deterioration has persisted. Furthermore, individual eyewitnesses vary widely in infallibility and reasoning. . (McAtlin, 1999). Studies of wrongful conviction cases have concluded that erroneous eyewitness identifications are by far the leading cause of convicting the innocent. For example, the Innocence Project of Cardozo School of Law reports that of the first 130 exonerations, 101 (or 77. 8 percent) involved mistaken identifications. But exactly how often eyewitnesses make tragic mistakes that lead to the punishment of innocent persons is unknown and probably unknowable. One of the infamous cases where mistaken identity led to the wrongful conviction and execution was Gary Graham. Graham’s case received widespread attention, in part because of substantial evidence indicating that he was innocent of the murder charge, and the indisputable fact that his court-appointed trial lawyer failed to mount a serious legal defense. Graham was convicted of killing grocery store clerk Bobby Lambert on May 13, 1981 during a robbery attempt. Graham was 17 years old at the time. There was no physical evidence linking him to the crime and only one eyewitness who identified him as the murderer. Eyewitnesses who told police investigators Graham was not the killer were never called to testify at trial by Graham’s lawyer. Constitutional Protections In Neil v. Biggers, the U. S. Supreme Court established criteria that jurors may use to evaluate the reliability of eyewitness identifications. The Biggers Court enumerated several factors to determine if a suggestive identification is reliable: (1) the witness’s opportunity to view the suspect; (2) the witness’s degree of attention; (3) the accuracy of description; (4) the witness’s level of certainty; and (5) the time between incident and confrontation, i. . , identification. Courts today continue to allow into evidence suggestive identification testimony. Currently, courts consider the admissibility of identification testimony under a Fourteenth Amendment procedural due process analysis. If a court determines that a pretrial identification was unnecessarily suggestive, it then ascertains whether the su ggestive procedure gave rise to a substantial likelihood of irreparable misidentification. A court will find a substantial likelihood of irreparable misidentification only if the identification is found to be unreliable. Therefore, even if the court concludes that a police identification procedure was suggestive, it may be admissible if the court finds that the identification is nevertheless likely to be accurate. A court will balance the suggestiveness of the identification procedure against the likelihood that the identification is correct, resulting in an unprincipled rule of law that turns on the court’s subjective assessment of the defendant’s guilt. Issues That Impact an Individuals Testimony A specific look at how memory functions and how suggestion operates llustrates why participation in unregulated lineups creates unreasonable risks of misidentification. Identification procedures differ from other police investigatory procedures in that they solely rely on human memory. Human memory consists of three basic systems: (1) encoding, (2) storage, and (3) retrieval. â€Å"Encoding† is the initial processing of an event that results in a memory. â€Å"Storage† is the re tention of the encoded information. â€Å"Retrieval† is the recovery of the stored information. Errors can occur at each step. Contrary to common understanding of memory, not everything that registers in the central nervous system is permanently stored in the mind and particular details become increasingly inaccessible over time. According to Loftus and Ketchum, â€Å"Truth and reality, when seen through the filters of our memories, are not objective facts but subjective, interpretive realities. † Because these processes are unconscious, individuals generally perceive their memories as completely accurate and their reporting of what they remember as entirely truthful, no matter how distorted or inaccurate they, in fact, may be. An individual’s memories become distorted even in the absence of external suggestion or internal personal distress. Naturally, people tailor their telling of events to the listener and the context. (Loftus & Ketchum 1991). Many conditions such as fear, lighting, distance from the event, surprise, and personal biases all affect memory and recall. Human memory is indeed delicate, especially regarding victims and witnesses of crimes. Fear and traumatic events may impair the initial acquisition of the memory itself. At the time of an identification, the witness is often in a distressed emotional state. Many victims and witnesses experience substantial shock because of their traumatic experiences that continue to affect them at the time of identification procedures. In a particular case in court, the psychologist can determine the reliability of the evidence of a particular witness and enable the judge and the jury to put the proper value on such witness’s testimony. For example, a witness may swear to a certain point involving the estimation of time and distance. The psychologist can measure the witness’s accuracy in such estimates, often showing that what the witness claims to be able to do is an impossibility. A case may hinge on whether an interval of time was ten minutes or twelve minutes, or whether a distance was three hundred or four hundred feet. A witness may swear positively to one or both of these points. The psychologist can show the court the limitations of the witness in making such estimates. Overview of Psychology and Law The service of psychology to law can be very great, but owing to the necessary conservatism of the courts, it will be a long time before they will make much use of psychological knowledge. Perhaps the greatest service will be in determining the credibility of evidence. Psychology can now give the general principles in this matter. Witnesses go on the stand and swear to all sorts of things as to what they heard and saw and did, often months and even years previously. The expert clinical psychologist can tell the court the probability of such evidence being true. Experiments have shown that there is a large percentage of error in such evidence. The additional value that comes from the oath has been measured. The oath increases the liability of truth only a small percentage. Psychologists sometimes provide expert testimony in the form of general testimony where theory and research is described and applied to a problem before the court. The expert would not provide opinions about any party involved in the case before the court, but might give opinions about substantive research that is relevant to the issues. Role of Psychology Professional in Forensic Matters Clinical-forensic psychologists are employed in a variety of settings including state forensic hospitals, court clinics, mental health centers, jails, prisons, and juvenile treatment centers. Clinical-forensic psychologists are perhaps best known for their assessment of persons involved with the legal system. Because of their knowledge of human behavior, abnormal psychology, and psychological assessment, psychologists are sometimes asked by the courts to evaluate a person and provide the court with an â€Å"expert opinion,† either in the form of a report or testimony. For example, clinical-forensic psychologists frequently evaluate adult criminal defendants or children involved in the juvenile justice system, offering the court information that might be relevant to determining (1) whether the defendant has a mental disorder that prevents him or her from going to trial, (2) what the defendant’s mental state may have been like at the time of the criminal offense, or (3) what treatment might be indicated for a particular defendant who has been convicted of a crime or juvenile offense. Increasingly, clinical-forensic psychologists are being called upon to evaluate defendants who have gone to trial and who have been found guilty and for whom one of the sentencing options is the death penalty. In this case, psychologists are asked to evaluate the mitigating circumstances of the case and to testify about these as they relate to the particular defendant. Clinical-forensic psychologists also evaluate persons in civil (i. e. , non-criminal) cases. These psychologists may evaluate persons who are undergoing guardianship proceedings, to assist the court in determining whether the person has a mental disorder that affects his or her ability to make important life decisions (e. g. , managing money, making health care decisions, making legal decisions). Clinical-forensic psychologists also evaluate persons who are plaintiffs in lawsuits, who allege that they were emotionally harmed as a result of someone’s wrongdoing or negligence. Clinical-forensic psychologists may evaluate children and their parents in cases of divorce, when parents cannot agree about the custody of their children and what is best for them. Clinical-forensic psychologists are sometimes called on to evaluate children to determine whether they have been abused or neglected and the effects of such abuse or neglect, and offer the court recommendations regarding the placement of such children. In addition to forensic assessment, clinical-forensic psychologists are also involved in treating persons who are involved with the legal system in some capacity. Jails, prisons, and juvenile facilities employ clinical psychologists to assess and treat adults and juveniles who are either awaiting trial, or who have been adjudicated and are serving a sentence of some type. Treatment in these settings is focused both on mental disorders and providing these persons with skills and behaviors that will decrease the likelihood that they will re-offend in the future. Clinical-forensic psychologists employed in mental health centers or in private practice may also treat persons involved in the legal system, providing either general or specialized treatment (e. g. treatment of sex offenders, treatment of violent or abusive persons, and treatment of abuse victims). Conclusion Studies confirm that unregulated eyewitness testimony is often â€Å"hopelessly unreliable. † Misidentifications are the greatest single source of wrongful convictions in the United States. Yet courts’ current due process analyses are unsuccessful in ensuring fair procedures and preventing wrongful convictions. A due process analysis alone is inadequate, in part because a due process analysis is essentially a fairness inquiry, and courts regard it as unfair to exclude a correct, yet suggestive identification, from evidence.

Religion and Coming of Age in Olive Ann Burns’ Novel,...

Religion and Coming of Age in Olive Ann Burns’ Novel, Cold Sassy Tree In the small southern town of Cold Sassy, Georgia, at the turn of the twentieth century, teenage boys had to grow up fast. They were not in any way sheltered from the daily activities of the town. This was especially true for fourteen year old Will Tweedy. Olive Ann Burns’ first, and only completed novel, Cold Sassy Tree, tells of young Will’s coming-of-age. His experiences with religion, progress, and death in Cold Sassy escorted him along the path to manhood. During the early 1900s, the south was full of religious fervor. Most small communities were based around two or three church families. Cold Sassy Tree, which is a recounting of Will’s memories, contains†¦show more content†¦Rucker believed in God and prayed often, but he also questioned the Lord’s meaning on some issues. When Will asked his grandpa if surviving getting run over by a train was God’s will, Rucker answered â€Å"You can believe thet, son, if’n you think it was God’s idea for you to be up on thet there trestle in the first place. What God give you was a brain. Hit’s His will for you to use it—p’tickler when a train’s comin’† (Burns 97). Rucker’s matter-of-fact philosophy pervaded the novel and, along the way, influenced Will. Since Will’s relationship with Rucker was so close, Will often asked him questions, some pertaining to religion. Will’s most important religio us question was â€Å"Grandpa, uh, why you think Jesus said ast the Lord for anything you want and you’ll get it? ‘Ast and it shall be given,’ the Bible says. But it ain’t so.† This marked a major maturation milestone for the young protagonist. Will reluctantly realized that he couldn’t have everything. He then wanted to know why. Following in his Grandpa’s footsteps, he questioned his religion. After the question was posed to Rucker, he admitted to Will that he wasn’t quite sure of the answer. Then later in the story, Will eavesdropped on a conversation between his Grandpa Blakeslee and Miss Love. Rucker said, â€Å"When Jesus said ast and you’ll git it, He was givin’ a gar’ntee a-spiritual healin’, not body healin’. He was sayin’ thet if’n you git beat down†¦why, all you got to do is put yore hand in God’s and

John Locke s Views On Human Nature - 1602 Words

James Madison and John Locke each created similar but somewhat different ideas about human nature. Whereas John Locke put more hope in human nature, Madison looked down on it with more critical analysis. Locke’s argument may provide few important points in general, but it is Madison who ultimately explained why people work in the specific way we see today and produce the government we enjoy. In fact, some of Locke’s arguments can be tied to Madison’s philosophy and be seen as useful explanations for Madison’s viewpoint toward self-centered human nature. John Locke linked human behavior with our nature. He argued in his works that men are governed and guided by the rules within our nature. â€Å"The state of Nature has a law of Nature to govern it, which obliges every one, and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty or possessions.† (2nd Treatise.6) Even without any manmade laws that specifically guide us what and how to do a certain thing, we are programmed to follow basic rules mutually understood by every human on Earth. Locke brought up that these rules discourage, in fundamental, people from gaining power by depriving that of others. He noticed, by specifically employing the word mankind, that the ability to accept and live by this rudimentary rule is the ultimate characteristic that makes us who we are. 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